When the Open Society Foundations first set up shop in Ukraine in 1990, the world looked very different. Across a teetering Soviet Union and elsewhere, the tide of history appeared to be turning decisively in favor of liberal democracy, toward systems where a meaningful civil society could flourish apart from government—even opposed to it—rather than as a mere organ of the state.
The very name of OSF’s foundation in Ukraine reflects that triumphal time. The International Renaissance Foundation got its start in Kyiv and operates several offices throughout the country. “We were one of the first foundations there following the end of the Soviet Union,” said Viorel Ursu, division director of OSF’s Europe and Eurasia program in recent comments on OSF’s website. “Our founder, George Soros, has a special place in his heart for Ukraine, and has devoted a lot of time, emotion and resources to the country.”
Soros’ decades-long, globe-spanning project to advance open society and oppose authoritarianism is one of the most interesting and ambitious philanthropic endeavors of our era. It has also faced no shortage of problems lately—an ongoing barrage of criticism from the right in the U.S. and abroad, as well as organizational challenges arising from its own sprawling and byzantine structure.
But perhaps the greatest headwind OSF faces is now literally embodied by advancing Russian troops and armor—that is, resurgent global authoritarianism, and the now-familiar narrative that liberal democracy is ailing, ineffective, and increasingly unpopular.
With all that in mind, it’s been striking to hear the word “democracy” on the lips of besieged Ukrainian defenders almost as often as words like “home” and “country” as they face down an illiberal enemy. In a rebuke to the narrative of diminishing worldwide faith in democracy, an open society appears to mean a great deal to people in imminent danger of losing it.
At least a small part of that can be attributed to OSF and the International Renaissance Foundation, which has operated tenaciously in Ukraine over a turbulent three decades. When George Soros writes, “I have witnessed Ukraine transform from a collapsing part of the Soviet Union to a liberal democracy and an open society,” he’s glossing over the fact that his giving has contributed to that transformation.
It’s tough to know to what degree that’s the case. According to OSF, the International Renaissance Foundation “was the biggest international donor in the country, with an annual budget of roughly $12 million” by 1994. Money has gone out the door for a variety of efforts to boost Ukraine’s fledgling post-Cold War civil society. Just a few examples include backing independent journalism, funding anti-corruption groups, supporting the modernization of Ukraine’s education system and reintroducing minority-language instruction, which had been suppressed under the Soviets.
“In the past 10 years, since the will of the people to sustain democracy was expressed in protests in the Maidan [referring to the 2014 popular uprising and resultant ouster of pro-Russia President Viktor Yanukovych], we focused more on making sure the people’s ability to participate in public affairs was secured and sustained,” Ursu said.
Strong levels of popular support for democracy in Ukraine — in the face of Russian firepower, no less — are nothing if not a validation of OSF’s patient work in the country since 1990. They also run counter to recent arguments that Soros’ worldwide project has been ineffective.
While it’s hard to judge just how much the International Renaissance Foundation’s funding actually contributed to Ukrainians’ appetite for democracy, Soros’ ideological opponents in the region appear to take him seriously. In 2015, Russia banned Soros’ organizations from the country, placing them on a list of “undesirable” foreign NGOs that also included the National Endowment for Democracy and the Atlantic Council. The MacArthur Foundation was also on the list, and it shuttered its Moscow branch office that same year.
Sadly, there’s a definite chance Russia will forcibly shutter pro-democracy organizations across Ukraine, too, and this time, it will be backed up by state violence. But even if OSF’s International Renaissance Foundation and other pro-democracy groups can no longer operate in a Russia-held Ukraine, these events are demonstrating that the global democracy fight isn’t a losing battle.
Far from frail and outdated, the democratic contender in this war has appeared surprisingly resilient, while the authoritarian side has seemed brittle and poorly motivated despite its military advantages. Russia’s invasion has served as a worldwide rallying cry for democracy as an ideal. Philanthropy can and should be attuned to this moment, and to what will likely be new, emergent opportunities to bolster free society and democratic governance.
More attention from funders is greatly needed. Despite authoritarianism’s recent gains, U.S. grantmakers haven’t been prioritizing global democracy work, or peace and security work. As one example, the MacArthur Foundation has been winding down strands of its international funding, including human rights work in Mexico and a 40-year nuclear security program. Even OSF, an undisputed funding leader in this area, only granted out $7.8 million in Ukraine in 2019. Compare that figure to that initial $12 million a year in the early 1990s—and then factor in inflation.
While we’ve been assured that OSF’s ongoing “restructuring” won’t negatively impact its grantmaking budget, perhaps now is the time for more philanthropies and mega-donors younger than George Soros to step up for global democracy. It’s an existential matter if nothing else: Philanthropy and civil society as we know it can’t exist in countries where one man controls the government and brooks no dissent.